From time to time we publish commentary from community members. Here’s an analysis of Chris Abele’s re-election campaign from county government-observer Pat Small.—lk
Complete “truth in advertising” in political campaigns is rare. Nonetheless, what candidates choose to reveal—or omit—can be telling. Chris Abele’s campaign for re-election as Milwaukee County executive recently kicked off by carpet-bombing the county with TV ads and glossy mailers.
One four-page pamphlet features color photos of smiling women and children. It fails to mention virtually any relevant Abele policies or his county record. However, it does slyly reference the name of Wisconsin’s Working Families Party.
The pamphlet’s cover oddly asks “Wouldn’t it be great to have someone run Milwaukee County who has helped improve the lives of women and working families?” Inside, Abele’s previous stint with his Argosy Foundation is lauded: “By investing in public education, the arts, health care and creating new opportunities, lifelong Democrat Chris Abele made a real difference in Milwaukee County.”
Before Christopher Seton Abele volunteered in 2011 to serve the region’s oligarchs by, in Republican businessman and philanthropist Sheldon Lubar’s words, “blowing up Milwaukee County government,” he dispensed millions of his billionaire-father John Abele’s fortune through the Argosy Foundation. (Abele’s sister now manages Argosy; he and other family members serve on its board.) He “leveraged” those donations for self-aggrandizement and accolades, as disclosed in a February 2005 Milwaukee magazine profile by Mary Van de Kamp Nohl. Associates recounted his relentless pursuit of personal power and “grandstanding” recognition for the foundation’s generosity.
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The article also described Abele’s approach to philanthropy in which he often has imposed his will upon recipient-groups’ operations (a practice prohibited by many foundations). Milwaukeeans revealed, on and off the record, how he took a know-it-all approach—with no policy or procedure too minor for his strings-attached micromanaging.
Abele’s socially-liberal-themed campaign pamphlet touts that he vaulted himself onto “more than 30 organizations’ boards of directors” and “has been recognized by groups such as Planned Parenthood, Fair Wisconsin, Boys & Girls Clubs of America, and Women for Women International,” which have all received Argosy funding. A disclaimer beneath perfunctory citations from three nonprofit organizations says they “do not imply endorsement.” That begs the question of why they are brazenly exploited in a campaign flyer.
Among those benefitting from Argosy grants have been needy children, the arts, reproductive rights and LGBT causes. As a calculated by-product, Abele’s showy philanthropy made him an unlikely local celebrity.
Abele moved to Milwaukee in 1994, having abandoned college after eight years at several institutions. Soon he was basking in a lofty perch as head of Argosy. A now-former Abele associate confidentially told me that Abele boasted years before running for county executive that he intended “to run Milwaukee.” He used philanthropy and influence in a grooming process to eventually win the trust of voters—and the county’s highest office.
Abele’s ads insist he “can’t be bought.” In reality, this sixth-generation Boston Brahmin does not need to be. Instead, he does the buying—and selling—and relinquishing of esteemed public assets.
In any case, pre-emptive assertions of innocence are risky for politicians. The late President Richard M. Nixon, who resigned in disgrace, learned that the hard way after proclaiming “I am not a crook” to distance himself from his Watergate scandal. In other words, it’s best not to protest too much.
An Opportunistic “Nonpartisan”
Like his nemesis, Milwaukee County Sheriff David Clarke, Abele is a nominal Democrat for election purposes—while also claiming to be “nonpartisan.” What’s more revealing: as county executive, he has contributed to tea-party Republican state representatives (Kapenga, Kooyenga, and Sanfelippo), as reported by the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel’s Daniel Bice. In turn, Republican legislators granted Abele unique, near-omnipotent executive powers. All in all, it’s a conspicuous return on Abele’s investment.
In another example of political quid pro quo with Abele, Rep. Dale Kooyenga of Brookfield and Sen. Alberta Darling of River Hills, both Republicans, plotted in the Legislature to bypass local control of Milwaukee Public Schools. They succeeded in putting Abele in charge of a shadow school system (the Opportunity and Schools Partnership Program). Despite his assertions that he did not seek this newly concocted role, he previously advocated for Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett’s plan to take over MPS, which was quickly abandoned after getting little support.
Abele has long called for tax-supported voucher and charter schools. His school-takeover role with MPS, an odd one for a college dropout, is problematic on many levels. For starters, it’s state and county interference in a city school system. Also, the program’s stability depends on Abele’s re-election. State Sen. Chris Larson, who is challenging Abele, has said he would reject any role in running Milwaukee’s schools if elected.
Abele’s ads try to neutralize vocal opposition to his MPS meddling—and his other regressive policies—by extolling Argosy largesse and mostly irrelevant socially liberal promises. His flyer boasts: “Chris will continue to advocate for equal pay for women, marriage equality, and a woman’s right to choose.”
Two of those issues have already been settled by the U.S. Supreme Court:
- In 2012, Abele’s support for LGBT rights surely won him votes when marriage equality was outlawed in Wisconsin. It’s now moot.
- Reproductive rights are not threatened at the county level.
The statement about “equal pay for women” is empty rhetoric, given that Abele routinely vetoes living-wage mandates. Local labor activist Bruce Colburn says, “He’s attempted to undermine enforcement of the county’s living-wage provision.”
Buying Votes and Selling Out Citizens
Abele is unraveling representative county government with snooty nonchalance and then bragging that he “can’t be bought.” That pretense is debunked by all his back-room deals and maneuvering. Despite having no personal financial incentive, he’s still eager to sell out citizens—left, right and center—for personal whims and to benefit his network of oligarchs, including developers and Bucks owners.
Abele’s Republican legislative allies do his bidding in exchange for campaign donations and horse-trading. In turn, they have granted him imperial power, which he uses to divest public assets. Because the Legislature dramatically reduced the power and duties of the county board, Abele can now connive with impunity. Bingo. Without this elected board having a say in important matters, the public also has no input or recourse in this closed loop. It’s a situation rife for corruption.
By conflating Argosy gifts with county programs and social services, Abele is employing a self-serving form of bait-and-switch. His unlimited access to billionaire wealth allows him to overwhelm and deceive voters with paid propaganda that whitewashes his dubious county record.
Here’s the worst rub: The goodwill of foundations and charities can never sufficiently provide for society’s greater good. It’s also not required of private enterprise to perform that function. With sound logic, our founders formed a republic with elected representatives to ensure that the needs of the people were forever honored and protected. Those founders also enacted sacrosanct checks and balances to prevent any individual, or branch of government, from abusing power.
Abele’s anti-democratic brand of entitled governance harkens back to wealthy feudal overlords who called all the shots—to benefit the few. However, the available remedy to thwart Abele’s goal of monarchical rule is the fact that he faces re-election next year.
Chris Abele’s political modus operandi is akin to any rogue striver. Despite his claim that he “can’t be bought,” it’s glaringly apparent that he loves to be stroked—by his privileged peers and unsuspecting citizens. And apparently there’s no limit to what he will spend—or steps he will take—to achieve his aims. Has the mission of the Argosy Foundation merely been subsumed into Abele’s disturbing agenda?
